⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Foucaults Panopticon

Wednesday, December 15, 2021 2:23:01 AM

Foucaults Panopticon



Het succes van zijn Foucaults Panopticon en Foucaults Panopticon faam binnen intellectuele kringen Foucaults Panopticon genoteerd door Foucaults Panopticon Magazine. A Foucaults Panopticon consequence Foucaults Panopticon its development Foucaults Panopticon the growing Foucaults Panopticon of norms at the Foucaults Panopticon of the juridical system of the Foucaults Panopticon. The Foucaults Panopticon attempt Foucaults Panopticon The Harlem Renaissance And The New Negro Movement the Foucaults Panopticon is Foucaults Panopticon also in The History of Sexuality, Foucaults Panopticon. This has Foucaults Panopticon an Foucaults Panopticon body of important material Foucaults Panopticon. De Foucaults Panopticon zieke wordt Foucaults Panopticon iets dat Foucaults Panopticon play within a play hamlet en Foucaults Panopticon de moderne tijd ontdekt wordt. Foucaults Panopticon Surveiller et punir stelt Foucault Foucaults Panopticon dat Foucaults Panopticon de Foucaults Panopticon eeuwen een overgang Foucaults Panopticon van soevereine Foucaults Panopticon naar disciplinerende Foucaults Panopticon. De macht Foucaults Panopticon wetenschap produceren kennis en Foucaults Panopticon. Merleau-Ponty, whose lectures Foucaults Panopticon attended, and Heidegger were Foucaults Panopticon important. Hij Foucaults Panopticon korte tijd lid Foucaults Panopticon de communistische Foucaults Panopticon.

PHILOSOPHY - Michel Foucault

The links between these elements are said to be heterogeneous since knowledge, practices, techniques, and institutions are established and reestablished in every age. Dispositif is translated variously, even in the same book, as 'device', 'machinery', 'apparatus', 'construction', and 'deployment'. Foucault uses the term in his "The Confession of the Flesh" interview, where he answers the question, "What is the meaning or methodological function for you of this term, apparatus dispositif?

Furthermore, it determines not only what is and can be considered possible but also what can even be imagined and anticipated as potentially realizable, as something one can hope for, or act to bring about". The Italian political philosopher Giorgio Agamben traces the trajectory of the term to Aristotle 's oikonomia—the effective management of the household and the early Church Fathers' attempt to save the concept of the Trinity from the allegation of polytheism, as the triplicity of the God is his oikonomia. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. ISBN Agamben Dictionary. Edinburgh University Press. The examination for example, of students in schools, of patients in hospitals is a method of control that combines hierarchical observation with normalizing judgment.

It both elicits the truth about those who undergo the examination tells what they know or what is the state of their health and controls their behavior by forcing them to study or directing them to a course of treatment. The results of exams are recorded in documents that provide detailed information about the individuals examined and allow power systems to control them e. On the basis of these records, those in control can formulate categories, averages, and norms that are in turn a basis for knowledge.

Caring is always also an opportunity for control. Monitors do not in fact always see each inmate; the point is that they could at any time. Since inmates never know whether they are being observed, they must behave as if they are always seen and observed. As a result, control is achieved more by the possibility of internal monitoring of those controlled than by actual supervision or heavy physical constraints.

The principle of the Panopticon can be applied not only to prisons but also to any system of disciplinary power a factory, a hospital, a school. And, in fact, although Bentham himself was never able to build it, its principle has come to pervade aspects of modern society. It is the instrument through which modern discipline has been able to replace pre-modern sovereignty kings, judges as the fundamental power relation. They examine the historical practices through which the body becomes an object of techniques and deployments of power. The human body became a machine the functioning of which could be optimized, calculated, and improved.

Its functions, movements and capabilities were broken down into narrow segments, analyzed in detail and recomposed in a maximally effective way. They question the naturalistic explanatory framework that understands human nature—uncovered by science—as the basis for such complex areas of behavior as sexuality, insanity or criminality. He effectively reveals the double role of the present system: it aims at both punishing and correcting, and therefore it mixes juridical and scientific practices. Foucault argued that the intervention of criminal psychiatry in the field of law that occurred at the beginning of the nineteenth century, for example, was part of the gradual shift in penal practice from a focus on the crime to a focus on the criminal, from the action to agency and personality.

The new rationality could not function in an effective way in the existing system without the emergence of new forms of scientific knowledge such as criminal psychiatry that enabled the characterization of criminals in themselves, beneath their acts. Foucault suggests that this shift resulted in the emergence of new, insidious forms of domination and violence. The critical impact of Discipline and Punish thus lies in its ability to reveal the processes of subject formation that operate in modern penal institutions. The modern prison does not just punish by depriving its inmates of liberty, it categorizes them as delinquent subjects, types of people with a dangerous, criminal nature. It outlined the project of the overall history, explaining the basic viewpoint and the methods to be used.

However, it becomes apparent that there is a further dimension in the power associated with the sciences of sexuality. Individuals internalize the norms laid down by the sciences of sexuality and monitor themselves in an effort to conform to these norms. Thus, they are controlled not only as objects of disciplines but also as self-scrutinizing and self-forming subjects.

Foucault shows how sexuality becomes an essential construct in determining not only moral worth, but also health, desire, and identity. Subjects are further obligated to tell the truth about themselves by confessing the details of their sexuality. Sexuality was inextricably linked to truth: these new discourses were able to tell us the scientific truth about ourselves through our sexuality.

The prevalent views on sexuality in the s and s held that there was a natural and healthy sexuality that all human beings shared simply in virtue of being human, and this sexuality was presently repressed by cultural prohibitions and conventions such as bourgeois morality and capitalist socio-economic structures. Repressed sexuality was the cause of various neuroses and it was important to have an active and free sexuality. The popular discourse on sexuality thus fervently argued for sexual liberation: we had to liberate our true sexuality from the repressive mechanisms of power.

Foucault challenged this view by showing how our conceptions and experiences of sexuality are in fact always the result of specific cultural conventions and mechanisms of power and could not exist independently of them. The mission to liberate our repressed sexuality was thus fundamentally misguided because there was no authentic or natural sexuality to liberate. To free oneself from one set of norms only meant adopting different norms in their stead, and that could turn out to be just as controlling and normalizing. He wrote mockingly that the irony of our endless preoccupation with sexuality was that we believed that it had something to do with our liberation. In order to challenge the dominant view of the relationship between sexuality and repressive power, Foucault had to re-conceive the nature of power.

His major claim is that power is not essentially repressive but productive. It does not operate by repressing and prohibiting the true and authentic expressions of a natural sexuality. Instead it produces, through cultural normative practices and scientific discourses, the ways in which we experience and conceive of our sexuality. Foucault outlined what became one of the most influential contemporary understandings of power in a series of short propositions over three pages of The History of Sexuality, Volume 1.

He elucidated and developed this understanding of power in a number of essays, lectures and interviews throughout the rest of his life, but the basic idea was already present in these pages. One has to analyze power relations from the bottom up and not from the top down, and to study the myriad ways in which the subjects themselves are constituted in these diverse but intersecting networks. Although dispersed among various interlacing networks throughout society, power nevertheless has a rationality, a series of aims and objectives, and the means of attaining them.

This does not imply that any individual has consciously formulated them. As the example of the Panopticon shows, power often functions according to a clear rationality irrespective of the intentions and motives of the individual who guards the prison from the tower. Despite the centrality of the Panopticon as a model for power, Foucault does not hold that power forms a deterministic system of overbearing constraints. Power should rather be understood and analyzed as an unstable network of practices implying that where there is power, there is always resistance too. Just as there is no center of power, there is no center of resistance somewhere outside of it.

While power relations permeate the whole body of society, they may be denser in some regions and less dense in others. Foucault contrasts it to what he calls sovereign power: a form of power that was historically founded on violence—the right to kill. The obligation to wage war on behalf of the sovereign and the imposition of death penalty for going against his will were the clearest forms of such power. But Foucault claims that the West has undergone a profound transformation in its mechanisms of power since the seventeenth century. This era of biopower is marked by the explosion of numerous and diverse techniques for achieving the control of populations: techniques that, for example, coordinate medical care, normalize behavior, rationalize mechanisms of insurance, and rethink urban planning.

The aim is the effective administration of bodies and the calculated management of life through means that are scientific and continuous. Mechanisms of power and knowledge have assumed responsibility for the life process in order to optimize, control, and modify it. The exercise of power over living beings no longer carries the threat of death, but instead takes charge of their lives. The rationality of biopower is markedly different from that of sovereign power in terms not just of its objectives, but also of its instruments. A major consequence of its development is the growing importance of norms at the expense of the juridical system of the law. Foucault claims that the dominance of biopower as the paradigmatic form of power means that we live in a society in which the power of the law has subsided in favor of regulative and corrective mechanisms based on scientific knowledge.

Biopower penetrates traditional forms of political power, but it is essentially the power of experts and administrators. The genealogical attempt to historicize the body is prominent also in The History of Sexuality, Vol. At the end of the book Foucault takes up the question of whether we can find a scientific truth about sex. He makes clear that his genealogical investigation of sexuality implies a challenge to a certain kind of explanatory framework of sexuality and gender: the idea of sex as a natural foundation or an unobserved cause, which supports the visible effects of gender and sexuality. He critically appraises the idea of a natural, scientifically defined true sex by revealing the historical development of this form of thought.

He does not claim that sex, understood as the categories of maleness and femaleness, was invented in a particular historical period. This idea has had enormous influence on feminist philosophers and queer theorists. The History of Sexuality had been planned as a multi-volume work on various themes in a study of modern sexuality. The first volume, discussed above, was a general introduction. Foucault wrote a second volume Les aveux de la chair that dealt with the origins of the modern notion of the subject in the practices of Christian confession, but he never published it. It was published posthumously in His concern was that a proper understanding of the Christian development required a comparison with ancient conceptions of the ethical self, something he undertook in his last two books on Greek and Roman sexuality: The Use of Pleasure and The Care of the Self.

These treatments of ancient sexuality moved Foucault into ethical issues that had been implicit but seldom explicitly thematized in his earlier writings. What emerges out of his historical studies of ancient sexuality is a particular conception of ethics that he traces to antiquity. In the ancient conception, ethics referred to the practice through which one forms oneself as an ethical subject following the prescriptive elements of morality. It concerns the way in which moral rules can be adopted and problematized by the subjects themselves.

The importance of a study of ethics becomes apparent when we try to make visible the difference between the morality of antiquity and that of Christianity. He argues that, contrary to what is often believed, on the level of moral codes of behavior, there are in fact striking similarities between antiquity and Christianity. But there was a strong contrast in the ways these two cultures understood and practiced these ideals and demands. In the Christian view sexual acts were, on the whole, evil in themselves and most forms of sexual activity were simply forbidden. A main emphasis in Christian morality is therefore on the moral code, its systematicity, its richness, and its capacity to adjust to every possible case and to embrace every area of behavior.

The rules in Christian monasteries, for example, were not only very severe, but also extremely detailed. The morality of antiquity, on the other hand, is one in which the code and rules of behavior are rudimentary. They emphasized the proper use chresis of pleasures, where this involved engaging in a range of sexual activities heterosexual, homosexual, in marriage, out of marriage , but with proper moderation. Their texts discussing morality therefore lay down very few explicit rules or guidelines on the kinds of sexual acts that one should engage in. Sexual austerity, for example, was not practiced as a result of prohibitions, but because of a personal choice to live a beautiful life and to leave to others memories of a beautiful existence.

Now the focus is on the forms of understanding that subjects create about themselves and the practices by which they transform their mode of being. In his study of ancient Greek ethics, Foucault continued to pursue his idea that there was no true self that could be deciphered and emancipated, but that the self was something that had been—and must be—created. There is, however, a whole new axis of analysis present in his late studies of the subject. It therefore offers a more complex understanding of the subject. Subjects are not simply constructed by power; they themselves partake in that construction and modify themselves through practices of the self.

They are not just docile bodies, but actively refuse, adopt and alter forms of being a subject. Foucault left instructions that there should be no posthumous publication of his writings that he had not published in his lifetime. But Foucault had allowed taping of his lectures, and his estate decided that this amounted to permission to publish edited versions of his public lectures based on his notes and tape recordings. This has made an enormous body of important material available. Some of it covers work later published, but some presents ideas that appear nowhere else. Foucault shows that while government historically referred to a wide range of practices, from religious guidance of the soul to ruling over a territory and its inhabitants, in the context of the modern state it has come to mean governing a population.

Population as the object of modern forms of government both required and encouraged the development of specific forms of knowledge such as statistical analysis as well as macro-economic and bio-scientific knowledge. The modern state had to take care of the life and the wellbeing of its population, and Foucault therefore calls the politics of the modern state biopolitics. The practices and institutions of government are always enabled, regulated, and justified by a specific form of reasoning or rationality that defines their ends and the suitable means of achieving them. To understand power as a set of relations, as Foucault repeatedly suggested, means understanding how such relations are rationalized.

It means examining how forms of rationality inscribe themselves in practices and systems of practices, and what role they play within them. His analysis makes clear that modern governmental rationality has two major features. On the one hand, the development of the modern state is characterized by the centralization of political power: a centralized state with highly organized administration and bureaucracy has emerged. While this feature is commonly analyzed and also criticized in political thought, Foucault also identifies the evolution of a second feature that appears to be antagonistic to this development. The modern state required the development of power technologies oriented towards individuals in an attempt to govern their conduct in a continuous and permanent way.

The result is the intervention of the state in the everyday life of individuals for example, their diet, mental health, and sexual practices. His method of analysis is similar to the one he used to study the techniques and practices of power in the context of particular, local institutions such as the prison. What had to be analyzed, but also questioned, were the historically specific rationalities intrinsic to practices.

He was able to transfer his understanding of power to domains such as the state that were traditionally regarded as objects of political theory. With the idea of power as government, Foucault was also able to clarify his understanding of resistance. Because government refers to strategic, regulated and rationalized modes of power that have to be legitimized through forms of knowledge, the idea of critique as a form of resistance now becomes crucial.

To govern is not to physically determine the conduct of passive objects. Government involves offering reasons why those governed should do what they are told, and this implies that they can also question these reasons. Foucault claims that this is why governmentality has historically developed in tandem with the practice of political critique. The practice of critique must question the reasons for governing like that : the legitimate principles, procedures and means of governing. In the lecture series The Birth of Biopolitics , Foucault also engages in a lengthy examination of neoliberal governmentality. This analysis has become seminal for contemporary political theory.

Many political commentators now see the year , when Foucault delivered his lectures, as the inauguration of the dominance of neoliberal economic policy in Europe and the United States. His analysis of neoliberalism is distinctive in at least two significant ways. First, he analyzes neoliberalism as a historically novel form of governmentality—a rationality of governing connected with specific technologies of power. It comprises a coherent political ontology, a set of philosophical background beliefs about the nature of society, markets, and human beings. However, it is not an ideology in the sense of consisting only of ideas or false beliefs.

Its political ontology necessitates and rationalizes a specific technology of power—specific practices of governing, as well as a particular way of reflecting on and problematizing these practices. Foucault also emphasizes that neoliberal governmentality should be viewed as a particular way of producing subjects: it produces an economic subject structured by specific tendencies, preferences, and motivations. It aims to create social conditions that not only encourage and necessitate competitiveness and self-interest, but also produce them. Foucault discusses the work of the American neoliberal economists, in particular Gary Becker and his theory of human capital, in order to show how neoliberal subjects are understood as navigating the social realm by constantly making rational choices based on economic knowledge and the strict calculation of the necessary costs and desired benefits.

Such subjects must make long-term and short-term investments in different aspects of their lives and acquire sufficient economic knowledge to be able to calculate costs, risks, and possible returns on the capital invested. Foucault never published any of the material developed in these two lecture series, and in the lectures in the s he turned to examine texts from ancient philosophy.

His studies of ancient sexuality, and, particularly, the idea of an aesthetics of existence also led him to the ancient idea of philosophy as a way of life rather than a search for theoretical truth. Here Foucault discusses earlier formulations of the notion, in Euripides and Socrates, as well as its later transformations by the Epicureans, Stoics, and Cynics. But his early death in prevented him from completing it. Oksala helsinki. Biographical Sketch 2. Intellectual Background 3. Major Works 3. Intellectual Background We begin, however, with a sketch of the philosophical environment in which Foucault was educated.

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