✍️✍️✍️ Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay

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Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay



X: yes erm well I'm Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay I've got A afraid I've Marcus Luttrell Characteristics a bit of a problem 4. Views Read Edit Computing personal statement history. My objection to the 'activity-goal' model is that it regards properties of a Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay type of interaction Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay determined Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay the perceived social functions of that type of interaction its 'goal' Dramatic Irony In Arthur Millers Biff, Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay representing the Gender Variation In Classroom Discourse Essay between discourse and its determinants as transparent to those taking part. X: yes erm you [know I A 6. Certified Writers Our writers hold Ph.

ENGLISH SPEECH - EMMA WATSON: Gender Equality (English Subtitles)

One might compare for instance the relatively predictable structuring of a canonical instance of a job interview or the sort of oral narrative Labov and Weletsky are concerned with, and a family conversation over dinner. Even at this level of abstraction, it is not helpful to conceive of a genre simply in terms of structuring with respect to stages. I regard a genre as a socially ratified way of using language in connection with a particular type of social activity e.

We can use the terms voice, style, and mode to refer to these particular facets of genre, and the term 'activity type' Levinson to refer specifically to the schematic structuring of a genre in terms of stages. Rather than using field we can use 'discourse'; a discourse is a way of signifying a particular domain of social practice from a particular perspective, and a genre may predictably draw upon a particular range of discourses, though a given discourse may be drawn upon in various genres. At a lower level of abstraction, text types are those configurations of genres and so of discourses, voices, styles, modes, activity types which have developed and become conventionalized for particular categories of activity in particular types of social situation. A text type is situationally and historically quite particular, a genre is more abstract, though particular text types may be more or less generically complex, closer to or more distant from genres.

One can specify text types at various levels of particularity - for example, news interview, TV news interview, Channel 4 news interview, and so forth. Actual texts may be more or less closely modelled upon text types. It follows from what I have said that actual texts can have extremely complex intertextual configurations, though they can also be relatively simple. This account of genre is rather different from, and I hope more satisfactory than, what readers will find in the papers in this volume. On the one hand, it reflects the critique of a simple schematic view of genre which arises from the work of Bakhtin , and has more recently been formulated by Kress and Threadgold , and Threadgold On the other hand, it claims that the schematic view does have force and validity, provided we distinguish between different levels of abstraction.

Kress and Threadgold use the term 'genre' across the three levels of abstraction I have distinguished, for what I have called intertextual configuration, and text type, as well as genre. This may capture the dialectical relationship between convention and action, but it strikes me as confusing. I see these developments in theory as linked to the defeats and retreats of the left in many countries over the past decade or more, and the emergence of an aggressive 'new right'. In practical terms in contemporary Britain for instance, the attack on critical concepts and positions often appears to be two-pronged, coming from certain sodal theorists on the one hand and right wing 'think tanks' or government ministers on the other, even granted that the two prongs have little sympathy or contact with each other.

I see the situation as one of political and ideological struggle, in which the issues are by no means new. There is therefore every reason to sustain the critical enterprise against its critics. I shall focus my arguments here upon ideology and critique of ideology. The concepts of ideology and ideological analysis have recently been criticized from various perspectives. Abercrombie, Hill and Turner is a critique of the 'dominant ideology thesis' according to which sodal order is sustained largely through the effects of dominant ideologies in winning the consent or acquiescence of the majority.

They question to what extent unitary dominant ideologies exist, argue that people are often capable of resisting and rejecting them in so far as they do, and suggest that a variety of non-ideological e. A more fundamental attack on ideology comes from post-structuralist and post-modernist theory. One line of argument here is that any form of ideological critique presupposes that the critic has privileged access to the truth, whereas any such claim to truth or knowledge is as Nietzsche argued really just a coded 'will to power' Foucault This position is assodated with a relativist and nominalist theory of discourse, according to which different discourses are in Wittgenstein's terminology so many 'language games' which are incommensurate, so that one cannot privilege one discourse as a space lor evaluating others Lyotard , Norris Another line of attack comes from a different quarter.

Sodal life has emptied of meaning. There is an element of truth in Baudrillard's analysis, but he has unjustifiably generalized tendencies in certain domains of social life as absolutes for social life as a whole Eagleton The critique of ideology in terms of its truth claims is, I think, a more serious one which I discuss below. What makes a theory critical is that it takes a 'pejorative' view of ideology as a means through which social relations of power are reproduced. Some critical theories also stress ideology as falsification or 'false consciousness', Marx and Engels If the concept of ideology is to be used, it should be used critically. In tying ideology to social relations of power, I am alluding to asymmetrical relations of power, to domination.

My concern is that this sense of power has displaced the former, more traditional one, and more importantly has helped divert attention from the analysis of power asymmetries and relations of domination. If ideology is tied to power and domination, it has within the Marxist tradition more specifically been tied to class power and domination, including power exercised by the state on behalf of a dominant social class. Recent forms of Marxism which have emphasized and in some cases over-emphasized the ideological moment in social reproduction have conceptualized power in terms of Gramsci's concept of hegemony, which foregrounds the winning of consent in the exercise of power.

It is necessary to extend one's understanding of the role of ideology in this way, but I would stress that the concern in most analysis is with social relations of domination within a social system which is capitalist, and dominated by - but not reducible to - relations of class. I believe it is misleading to focus upon, for instance, gender relations or for that matter class relations without attention to their functioning within the social system and therefore to how gender intersects with class, ethnicity, etc. There is a danger here in over-emphasizing reproduction. There is nothing mechanical or deterministic about the workings of ideology see paper 3. It is a domain and focus of struggle, and critique of ideology is itself a theorized form of struggle which dominated social classes, as well as feminists, ethnic minorities, gay people and so forth, have engaged in as part of their struggles.

Ideological critique as a part of academic and intellectual activity, including CDA and its educational application as 'critical language awareness' see papers 9 and 10 , should be seen in terms of the relationship between sections of the intellectuals as a social stratum, and these struggles on the part of social classes and other primary social groups. For instance, academic critique of patriarchal ideology has not been sealed off from critique in the wider feminist movement - on the contrary, they have informed each other. A major focus of social struggle is over the shifting alliances and allegiances of intellectuals in the struggles of classes and other primary groups. In claiming that a discursive event works ideologically, one is not in the first instance claiming that it is false, or claiming a privileged position from which judgements of truth or falsity can be made.

One is claiming that it contributes to the reproduction of relations of power. On this view of ideological analysis, attacks on ideological critique because of its supposed privileged truth claims referred to above miss their target. But critical discourse analysis cannot remain indifferent to questions of truth, be it a matter of omissions or falsifications for persuasive purposes Herman and Chomsky , Norris , or of falsifying ideological representations. Many ideologies are evaluations e. Of course, discourse analysis cannot per se judge the truth or well-groundedness of a proposition, but then critical discourse analysis is just one method to be used within wider critical projects.

Of course there are structures and mechanisms for privileging the judgements of particular social groups and the particular discourses they deploy, including intellectuals. Judgements of truth made by intellectuals, including critical analysts, should be seen like ideology critique in general - see above in terms of relationships between intellectuals and social classes and groups. Retreating into a helpless relativism when faced with issues such as war crimes in ex-Yugloslavia, which require judgements of truth and falsity, is in my view serious ethical failure, whatever theoretical voices may be used to rationalize it.

Critical discourse analysts sometimes fail adequately to historidze their data, that is, on the one hand to specify the particular historical conditions within which it was generated and what its properties and shape owe to these conditions, and on the other hand, to specify what part it plays in wider historical processes. I think that CDA ought in contemporary circumstances to focus its attention upon discourse within the history of the present - changing discursive practices as part of wider processes of social and cultural change - because constant and often dramatic change affecting many domains of social life is a fundamental characteristic of contemporary social experience, because these changes are often constituted to a significant degree by and through changes in discursive practices, and because no proper understanding of contemporary discursive practices is possible that does not attend to that matrix of change.

For instance, one major tendency in current sociocultural change thematized in paper 6 is marketization - the reconstruction on a market basis of domains which were once relatively insulated from markets, economically, in terms of social relations, and in terms of cultural values and identities. I argue that marketization is to a significant degree a discoursal process - it is partly constituted through colonization by the discursive practices of market domains, such as advertising. CDA has a major opportunity here to establish its credentials as a method to be used alongside others in social research on change see paper 8.

This process is already under way. The papers have been edited to avoid duplication of material and to ensure cross-references. I use the term critical theory here in a generic sense for any theory concerned with critique of ideology and the effects of domination, and not specifically for the critical theory of the Frankfurt School. The establishment of an international journal which focuses on CDA, Discourse and Society, is one indicator. I called this framework 'critical discourse analysis' CDA. The latter is criticized for its lack of concern with explanation - with how discursive practices are socially shaped, or their social effects.

I also criticize the concept of 'background knowledge' as an obfuscation of ideological processes in discourse, the preoccupation with 'goals' as based upon an untenable theory of the subject, and the neglect of relations of power manifested for instance in the elevation of conversation between equals to the status of an idealized archetype for linguistic interaction in general. The critical alternative clcims that naturalized implicit propositions of an ideological character are pervasive in discourse, contributing to the positioning of people as social subjects.

These include not only aspects of ideational meaning e. The paper suggests a view of critique as embedded within oppositional practice. The dominance of one IDF over others within an order of discourse results in the naturalization of its ideological meanings and practices. Resistance is most likely to come from subjects whose positioning within other institutions and orders of discourse provides them with the resources to resist. The paper does take a dialectical view of the relationship between structure and action. But the emphasis, under the influence of Althusser and French discourse analysis Althusser , Pecheux , is upon the determination of action by structures, sodal reproduction, and the ideological positioning of subjects.

Later papers have increasingly emphasized agency and change, and ideology has in some cases become relatively backgrounded. The concept of IDF did not survive this paper; it gave an overly monolithic view of ideological diversity and struggle - well-defined forces in clear relations of opposition. Another characteristic of this early work is the centrality of sodal class in its view of power. I would highlight three themes of the paper as particularly significant for later work. First, the claim that ideologies are primarily located in the 'unsaid' implidt propositions. The second theme is that norms of interaction involving aspects of the interpersonal meaning and forms e. The third theme is the theorization of power as in part 'ideologicalldiscoursal', the power to shape orders of discourse, to order discursive practices in dominance.

Paper 2, 'Discourse representation in media discourse' contrasts with the preceding theoretical paper in its focus upon linguistic details of texts. The paper is thus an application of the emergent critical discourse analysis framework to a specific case. One of the tendencies in media discourse representation that it identifies is what I discuss in later papers as the 'conversationalization' of public discourse - see especially paper 6 below. Following Gramsci Forgacs , the conception of ideology here focuses upon the effects of ideologies rather than questions of truth, and features of texts are seen as ideological in so far as they affect sustain, undermine power relations. Ideology is seen as 'located' in both structures discourse conventions and events.

On the other hand, ideologies are generated and transformed in actual discursive events - the example I refer to is of ideological creativity in a Margaret Thatcher radio interview. An order of discourse may incorporate in Gramscian terms an 'ideological complex', a configuration of ideologies, and both the ideological complex and the order of discourse may be reconstructed in the course of discursive events. These possible discursive restructurings arise from contradictions in social practice which generate dilemmas for people, which they try to resolve through mixing available discourse conventions in new ways the mixtures being realized in heterogeneities of form and meaning in texts. Orders of discourse are viewed as domains of hegemony and hegemonic ideological struggle, within institutions such as education as well as within the wider social formation.

The paper concludes by identifying a role for ideological analysis and critique of discourse within sodal struggles. It will be clear from the General Introduction that I am no longer happy with the view of ideology in this paper. But certain features of the discussion of ideology are worth noting; the idea that discourse may be ideologically creative and productive, the concept of ideological complex, the question of whether discursive practices may be reinvested ideologically, and the broad sweep of features of texts that are seen as potentially ideological. There is usually one IDF which is clearly dominant. Each IDF is a sort of 'speech community' with its own discourse norms but also, embedded within and symbolized by the latter, its own 'ideological norms'.

Institutional subjects are constructed, in accordance with the norms of an IDF, in subject positions whose ideological underpinnings they may be unaware of. A characteristic of a dominant IDF is the capacity to 'naturalize' ideologies, i. It is argued that the orderliness of interactions depends in part upon such naturalized ideologies. To 'denaturalize' them is the objective of a discourse analysis which adopts 'critical' goals.

I suggest that denaturalization involves showing how social structures determine properties of discourse, and how discourse in turn determines social structures. I include a critique of features of such work which follow from its limited explanatory goals its concept of 'backgrou nd knowledge', 'speaker-goal' explanatory models, and its neglect of power , and discuss the social conditions under which critical discourse analysis might be an effective practice of intervention, and a significant element in mother tongue education. Adopting critical goals means aiming to elucidate such naturalizations, and more generally to make clear social determinations and effects of discourse which are characteristically opaque to participants.

The critical approach has its theoretical underpinnings in views of the relationship between 'micro' events including verbal events and 'macro' structures which see the latter as both the conditions for and the products of the former, and which therefore reject rigid barriers between the study of the 'micro' of which the study of discourse is a part and the study of the 'macro'. I shall discuss these theoretical issues at the end of this section of the paper. When I refer to the 'orderliness' of an interaction, I mean the feeling of participants in it which may be more or less successfully elicited, or inferred from their interactive behaviour that things are as they should be, i.

This may be a matter of coherence of an interaction, in the sense that individual speaker turns fit meaningfully together, or a matter of the taking of turns at talking in the expected or appropriate way, or the use of the expected markers of deference or politeness, or of the appropriate lexicon. I am of course using the terms 'appropriate' and 'expected' here from the perspective of the participant, not analytically. Text 1 gives an example of 'orderliness' in the particular sense of coherence within and between turns, and its dependence on naturalized ideologies. It is an extract from an interview between two male police officers B and q, and a woman A who has come to the police station to make a complaint of rape.

C: the swabs are taken. C: it'll each one. A: yeah I[ know 7. C: [ alright. A: so it would show indist. C: [ it'll confirm that you've had sex. A: when I was ill yeah C: yeah. A: I was frightened C: you weren't. B: indist. I wouldn't take you on [ you frighten me C: [ indist. A: why would I frighten yOU indist. B: [ matter. A: [ I haven't got a temper indist. B: I think if things if if things were up against a a wall.

I think you'd fight and fight very hard. I imagine that for most readers the most striking instance of ideologically-based coherence in this text is in 1 7 you're female and you've probably got a hell of a temper , with the implicit proposition 'women tend to have bad tempers' which, with a further implicit proposition 'people in bad tempers are frightening to others' and certain principles of inference, allows 16 and 17 to be heard as a coherent question-answer and complaint-rejection pair. There are other, perhaps rather less obvious instances, including the following I have taken the example in 17 as 'case' 1». The orderliness of C's talk in 9 from there's no struggle and 11, i.

Similar comments apply to This is a version of the doctrine of the 'unified and consistent subject' Coward and Ellis 7». Thus, again in 9 and 11, evidence of A's capacity for creating a public scene in the past, and when she was suffering from some form of mental illness, is taken, despite 10, as evidence for her capacity to do so in this instance. As in the case of 2 , the coherence of C's line of argument depends upon the taken-as-given proposition. C's apparent objective in this extract is to establish that A went willingly to the house where the rape is alleged to have occurred.

To make this connection, we need the above implicit proposition. I argue below section 3. For present purposes, I propose to refer to these four propositions as 'ideological', by which I mean that each is a particular representation of some aspect of the world natural or social; what is, what can be, what ought to be which might be and may be alternatively represented, and where any given representation can be associated with some particular 'social base' I am aware that this is a rather crude gloss on a complex and controversial concept. On ideology, see Althusser and Therborn ». These propositions differ in terms of the degree to which they are 'naturalized' Hall 75».

Cases 1 and 4 involve only limited naturalization. Case 4 corresponds to traditional judicial views in English law of rape as well as having something of a base outside the law, but it is also under pressure from feminists. The degree of naturalization in cases 2 and 3 is by contrast rather high, and they are correspondingly more difficult to recognize as ideological representations rather than 'just common sense'. Texts illustrate other ways in which orderliness may depend upon ideological BGK.

My aim here is merely to indicate some of the range of phenomena involved, so my comments on these texts will be brief and schematic. T: Now, let's just have a look at these things here. Can you tell me, first of all, what's this? P: Paper. T: Piece of paper, yes. And, hands up, what cutter will cut this? P: The pair of scissors. T: The pair of scissors, yes. Here we are, the pair of scissors. And, as you can see, it's going to cut the paper. Tell me what's this? P: Cigarette box.

T: Yes. What's it made from? The implicit ideological propositions identified in text 1 appertain to language in its 'ideational' function, whereas the discoursal and pragmatic norms of text 2 appertain to the 'interpersonal' function of language Halliday ; ». Michael Halliday's claim that the linguistic system functions as a 'metaphor' for social processes as well as an 'expression' of them, which he formulated in the context of a discussion of the symbolization of social relationships in dialectal and registerial variants Halliday In these respects, text 3 is similar to text 2: Text 3 1.

X: oh hello Mrs Norton 2. Y: oh hello Susan 3. X: yes erm well I'm afraid I've got A afraid I've got a bit of a problem 4. Y: you mean about tomorrow night 5. X: yes erm you [know I A 6. Y: oh dear] 7. X: know that that you said 8. Y: yeah 9. X: er you wanted me tomorrow night X: well I just thought erm clears throat I've got something else on which I just didn't think about when I arranged it with you you know and er Y: sighs yes These markers are 'appropriate' given the status asymmetry between X and Y Y is Xs employer, and no doubt older than X , and given the 'face-threatening' act which X is engaged in Brown and Levinson 81». The interactive norms exemplified in texts 2 and 3 can be seen in terms of degrees of naturalization like the implicit propositions of text 1, though in this case it is a matter of the naturalization of practices which symbolize particular ideological representations of social relationships, i.

The more dominant some particular representation of a social relationship, the greater the degree of naturalization of its associated practices. I will use the expression 'ideological practices' to refer to such practices. Texts are partial exemplifications of the substantial range of BGK which participants may draw upon in interactions. We can very roughly differentiate four dimensions of participants' 'knowledge base', elaborating Winograd 14 who distinguishes only the first, third and fourlh: knowledge of language codes, knowledge of principles and norms of language use, knowledge of situation, and knowledge of the world.

I wish to suggest that all four dimensions of the 'knowledge base' include ideological elements. I will assume without further discussion that the examples I have given so far illustrate this for all except the first of these dimensions, 'knowledge of language code'. Text 4 shows that this dimension is no exception. Text 4 The probation officer was aware of a number of incidents at school in which Robert was considered to be 'incorrigible'. The probation officer's assessment and recommendation for Robert contained a fairly detailed citation of a number of factors explaining Robert's 'complete lack of responsibility toward society' with the recommendation that he be placed in a school or state hospital.

What I want to highlight is the role which the lexicon itself plays in this process. Let us focus on just four items among the many of interest in the text: incomgible, defiance, lack of responsibility, deliquency. The 'conditions of use' of this lexicon as we may call them, are focused upon by Ocourel - the unwritten and unspoken conventions for the use of a particular word or expression in connection with particular events or behaviours, which are operative and taken for granted in the production and interpretation of written records.

But the lexicon itself, as code, is only one among indefinitely many possible lexicalizations; one can easily create an 'anti-language' Halliday » equivalent of this part of the lexicon - irrepressible for incorrigible, debunking for defiance, refusal to be sucked in by society for lack of responsibility toward society, and perhaps spirit for delinquency. Alternative lexicalizations are generated from divergent ideological positions. And lexicalizations, like the implicit propositions and pragmatic discoursal practices of the earlier texts, may be more or less naturalized: a lexicalization becomes naturalized to the extent that 'its' IDF achieves dominance, and hence the capacity to win acceptance for it as 'the lexicon', the neutral code. This brings me to certain theoretical assumptions which underpin the proposed adoption of critical goals in discourse analysis.

Firstly, that verbal interaction is a mode of social action, and that like other modes of social action it presupposes a range of what I shall loosely call 'structures' - which are reflected in the 'knowledge base' - including social structures, situational types, language codes, norms of language use. Secondly, and crucially, that these structures are not only presupposed by, and necessary conditions for, action, but are also the products of action; or, in a different terminology, actions reproduce structures.

Giddens develops this view from a sociological perspective in terms of the notion of 'duality of structure', The significance of the second assumption is that 'micro' actions or events, including verbal interaction, can in no sense be regarded as of merely 'local' significance to the situations in which they occur, for any and every action contributes to the reproduction of 'macro' structures.

Notice that one dimension of what I am suggesting is that language codes are reproduced in speech, a view which is in accordance with one formulation in Saussure's Cours: 'Language and speaking are thus interdependent; the former is both the instrument and the product of the latter' Yet that seems to be precisely how verbal interactions have in fact been studied for the most part in the currently predominant 'descriptive' work on discourse. Thus the adoption of critical goals means, first and foremost, investigating verbal interactions with an eye to their determination by, and their effects on, social structures.

However, as I have suggested in discussing the texts, neither determinations nor effects are necessarily apparent to participants; opacity is the other side of the coin of naturalization. The goals of critical discourse analysis are also therefore 'denaturalizing'. I shall elaborate on this preliminary formulation in the following sections. My use of the term 'critical' and the associated term 'critique' is linked on the one hand to a commitment to a dialectical theory and method 'which grasps things. Hence 'critique' is essentially making visible the interconnectedness of things; for a review of senses of 'critique', see Connerton In using the term 'critical', I am also signalling a connection though by no means an identity of views between my objectives in this paper and the 'critical linguistics' of a group of linguists and sociologists associated with Roger Fowler Fowler et aI.

For instance: how can it be that people are standardly unaware of how their ways of speaking are socially determined, and of what social effects they may cumulatively lead to? What conception of the social subject does such a lack of awareness imply? How does the naturalization of ideologies come about? How is it sustained? How may this change? I cannot claim to provide answers to these questions in this paper. My reasoning is in essence simply that a such questions can only be broached within a framework which integrates 'micro' and 'macro' research, and b we are most likely to be able to arrive at such an integration if we focus upon the institution as a 'pivot' between the highest level of social structuring, that of the 'social formation',3 and the most concrete level, that of the particular social event or action.

The argument is rather similar to Fishman's case for the 'domain' Fishman »: the social institution is an intermediate level of social structuring, which faces Janus-like 'upwards' to the social formation, and 'downwards' to social actions. Social actions tend very much to cluster in terms of institutions; when we witness a social event e. And from a developmental point of view, institutions are no less salient: the socialization of the child in which process discourse is both medium and target , can be described in terms of the child's progressive exposure to institutions of primary socialization family, peer group, school, etc.

Given that institutions play such a prominent role, it is not surprising that, despite the concentration on casual conversation in recent discourse analysis referred to above, a significant amount of work is on types of discourse which are institutionally identified, such as classroom discourse e. Sinclair and Coulthard »; courtroom discourse e. Labov and Fanshel ». However, most of this work suffers from the inadequacies characteristic of descriptive discourse analysis, which I detail in section 3. One can envisage the relationship between the three levels of social phenomena I have indicated - the social formation, the social institution, and social action - as one of determination from 'top' to 'bottom': social institutions are determined by the social formation, and social action is determined by social institutions.

While I would accept that this direction of determination is the fundamental one, this formulation is inadequate in that it is mechanistic or undialectical ; that is, it does not allow that determination may also be 'upwards'. Let us take education as an example. Language learning can be severely hampered by cultural attitudes, with a frequently cited example being the difficulty of Navajo children in learning English [ citation needed ]. Also, the motivation of the individual learner is of vital importance to the success of language learning. Motivation is influenced by goal salience , valence , and self-efficacy. However, motivation is dynamic and, as a L2 learner's fluency develops, their extrinsic motivation may evolve to become more intrinsic.

Further, a supportive learning environment facilitates motivation through the increase in self-confidence and autonomy. Attrition is the loss of proficiency in a language caused by a lack of exposure to or use of a language. One way it does this is by using L1 as a tool to navigate the periods of change associated with acquisition and attrition. A learner's L2 is not suddenly lost with disuse, but its communicative functions are slowly replaced by those of the L1. Similar to second-language acquisition, second-language attrition occurs in stages. However, according to the regression hypothesis, the stages of attrition occur in reverse order of acquisition.

With acquisition, receptive skills develop first, and then productive skills, and with attrition, productive skills are lost first, and then receptive skills. Age, proficiency level, and social factors play a role in the way attrition occurs. However, if a child has established a high level of proficiency, it may take them several years to lose the language. Proficiency level seems to play the largest role in the extent of attrition. For very proficient individuals, there is a period of time where very little, if any, attrition is observed. For some, residual learning might even occur, which is the apparent improvement within the L2. A cognitive psychological explanation for this suggests that a higher level of proficiency involves the use of schemas , or mental representations for linguistic structures.

Schemas involve deeper mental processes for mental retrieval that are resistant to attrition. As a result, information that is tied to this system is less likely to experience less extreme attrition than information that is not. In particular, motivation and attitude influence the process. Higher levels of motivation, and a positive attitude toward the language and the corresponding community may lessen attrition. This is likely due to the higher level of competence achieved in L2 when the learner is motivated and has a positive attitude. While considerable SLA research has been devoted to language learning in a natural setting, there have also been efforts made to investigate second-language acquisition in the classroom. This kind of research has a significant overlap with language education , and it is mainly concerned with the effect that instruction has on the learner.

It also explores what teachers do, the classroom context, the dynamics of classroom communication. It is both qualitative and quantitative research. The research has been wide-ranging. There have been attempts made to systematically measure the effectiveness of language teaching practices for every level of language, from phonetics to pragmatics, and for almost every current teaching methodology. This research has indicated that many traditional language-teaching techniques are extremely inefficient.

Rather, to become proficient in the second language, the learner must be given opportunities to use it for communicative purposes. Another area of research has been on the effects of corrective feedback in assisting learners. This has been shown to vary depending on the technique used to make the correction, and the overall focus of the classroom, whether on formal accuracy or on communication of meaningful content. If one wishes to acquire a language in a classroom setting only, one needs to consider the category language one wishes to acquire; the category of the desired language will determine how many hours or weeks to devote to study. There are three main categories of languages. As such, the languages are categorized by their similarity to English.

Respectively, category I languages require 24 weeks or classroom hours to achieve proficiency; category II languages require 44 weeks or 1, hours; category III languages require 88 weeks or 2, hours. Moreover, one can achieve proficiency in a foreign language in a classroom setting so long as one acknowledges the time commitment necessary. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Process, in which a second or additional language after the first language has been acquired. This article is about natural acquisition of a second language. For classroom learning, see Language education. Outline History Index. General linguistics. Applied linguistics. Acquisition Anthropological Applied Computational Discourse analysis Documentation Forensic History of linguistics Neurolinguistics Philosophy of language Phonetics Psycholinguistics Sociolinguistics Text and corpus linguistics Translating and interpreting Writing systems. Theoretical frameworks. Main article: Interlanguage. Main article: Order of acquisition. Main articles: Language transfer and Crosslinguistic influence. Main article: Individual variation in second-language acquisition.

Main article: Second-language attrition. Main article: Second-language acquisition classroom research. Linguistics portal Languages portal. Main article: Outline of second-language acquisition. Bilingualism neurology Dynamic approach to second language development International auxiliary language Language learning aptitude Language acquisition Language complexity List of common misconceptions about language learning List of language acquisition researchers Native-language identification One person, one language Psycholinguistics Second-language attrition Sociolinguistics Theories of second-language acquisition Vocabulary learning.

This strict separation of learning and acquisition is widely regarded as an oversimplification by researchers today, but his hypotheses were very influential and the name has stuck. The first such studies on child second-language acquisition were carried out by Dulay and Burt , a , b , See Krashen for a review of these studies. Sharwood Smith and Kellerman preferred the term crosslinguistic influence to language transfer. They argued that cross-linguistic influence was neutral regarding different theories of language acquisition, whereas language transfer was not.

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Krashen, Stephen Krashen, Stephen a. New York: Pergamon Press. Archived from the original on October 19, Krashen, Stephen b. Studia Linguistica. Principles and Practice in Second Language Acquisition. Pergamon Press. Archived from the original on March 12, In Ellis, Nick ed. Implicit and Explicit Learning of Languages. London: Academic Press. The Power of Reading, Second Edition. Littleton: Libraries Unlimited. Lenneberg, Eric MLA Modern Language Association style is most commonly used to write papers and cite sources within the liberal arts and humanities. This resource, updated to reflect the MLA Handbook 8 th ed.

Periodicals include magazines, newspapers, and scholarly journals. Works cited entries for periodical sources include three main elements—the author of the article, the title of the article, and information about the magazine, newspaper, or journal. Below is the generic citation for periodicals using the MLA style. Use this as guidance if you are trying to cite a type of source not described on this page, omitting any information that does not apply:.

Title of container self contained if book , Other contributors translators or editors , Version edition , Number vol. Cite by listing the article's author, putting the title of the article in quotations marks, and italicizing the periodical title. Follow with the date of publication. Remember to abbreviate the month. The basic format is as follows:. Author s. Poniewozik, James. Buchman, Dana. Cite a newspaper article as you would a magazine article, but note the different pagination in most newspapers.

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